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Judges’ house and INEC’s headquarters: What Tinubu’s govt overreach means for institutions’ independence

Afolabi Hakim by Afolabi Hakim
June 20, 2025
in National
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President Bola Tinubu and FCT minister, Nyesom Wike

President Bola Tinubu and FCT minister, Nyesom Wike

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  • What was initially couched in the garb of executive generosity and compassion is turning out to be a classic case of political overreach and erosion of the independence of key arms of government and institutions

One of the intrinsic elements of democracy is strong and independent institutions, the separation of powers and the rule of law. A democratic nation where any of these elements and doctrines are missing may be seen as no different from other forms of government where impunity and arbitrariness are the norms. Since its assumption of office more than two years ago, the president Bola Tinubu-led government has taken decisions and made moves that undermine these crucial democratic ideals and principles. One of the enduring attributes of his government is the normalisation of actions that were hitherto frowned upon and vehemently opposed.

What was initially couched in the garb of executive generosity and compassion is turning out to be a classic case of political overreach and erosion of the independence of key arms of government and institutions to pave the way for a powerful, domineering and unquestionable executive arm of government. In 2024, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Nyesom Wike, announced that the federal government had built houses for judges in the nation’s capital. The announcement was greeted by condemnation and outrage, with many asserting that the move would further undermine the independence of a judiciary that is already low on public trust and confidence.

Expectedly, the minister offered some flimsy and unconvincing explanation as to why the government built the houses for the judges. He stated that the project does not have any ulterior motive or political colouration, noting that it was borne out of the need to ensure that judges have a worthy and befitting accommodation that shields them from being manipulated and compromised. What the minister did not say is that the judiciary has its own budget where everything and anything that has to do with its expenditure and welfare of judges is captured. And even if there was an urgent need to build houses for the judges, it should not be the executive that the judiciary is expected to curtail its excesses and check its power that should be doing that.

The construction of the houses could easily have been appropriated in the budget of the judiciary and not that of the executive, so that it could build these houses itself. The rationale that the houses were in fulfilment of President Tinubu’s promises to guarantee the Independence of the judiciary is as illogical as it is dishonest. Since the houses of judges saga, the Tinubu government has ramped up what some have described as its tightening of its grip on power. From naming strategic and symbolic public establishments and infrastructure after himself to arm-twisting opposition politicians to joining the ruling party through either the threat of losing re-election or prosecution for corruption.

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The latest in this not-too-subtle consolidation of power is the decision to build an independent national electoral commission (INEC) headquarters in Abuja by the FCT minister, a move that is hitherto unheard of in our democratic journey. The supporters of this government and defenders of its many worrisome moves wasted no time in justifying this decision. As it is their wont, they dived into the river of history to dredge up similar decisions taken in the past to buttress their puerile narrative. According to them, this is not the first time a government is building a headquarters for the commission. They claim the military regime of former head of state, Ibrahim Babangida, built the commission’s headquarters after the nation’s seat of government was moved from Lagos to Abuja during the short-lived third republic in the early 90s

What they fail to mention is that Babangida wasn’t contesting in that election and did not have any plan to transform from a military head of state to a democratically elected civilian president. The decision of the military regime at the time to build the headquarters was to enhance the electoral process and make it easy for the commission to conduct free, fair and credible elections, which it did achieve before the republic was truncated. Comparing the decision of a military government to create a conducive environment for the conduct of credible elections it has no candidates in, to a move by a president to build a headquarters for the electoral umpire that will organise the election the same president will participate in is disturbingly disingenuous. It does not help that the election that brought the president into office is dogged by allegations of rigging, manipulation and voter suppression.

There are already agitations for the president to be stripped of the power to appoint the INEC chairman to whittle down his influence on the commission and reduce to the barest minimum his involvement in anything that has to do with the electoral body. This agitation may not materialise anytime soon, seeing how the involvement of the president in the commission’s affairs has gone beyond just appointing the man who will lead it. This justification of the building of INEC headquarters by the government when such project could have been provided for in the commission’s budget which runs into millions of dollars yearly underscores the continued calculated weakening of critical institutions that should be protected from the whims and inordinate goals of self-serving and power-hungry individuals individuals at corridors of power today. It is a frontal assault on our democracy. The viability of our democracy is hinged on our ability to keep these institutions independent and

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